ব্যবহারকারী:Nafiul adeeb/খেলাঘর

Subhas Chandra Bose believed that the Bhagavad Gita was a great source of inspiration for the struggle against the British. Swami Vivekananda's teachings on universalism, his nationalist thoughts and his emphasis on social service and reform had all inspired Subhas Chandra Bose from his very young days. The fresh interpretation of India's ancient scriptures had appealed immensely to him. Some scholars think that Hindu spirituality formed an essential part of his political and social thought. As historian Leonard Gordon explains "Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape."

Bose first expressed his preference for "a synthesis of what modern Europe calls socialism and fascism" in a 1930 speech in Calcutta.[123] Bose later criticized Nehru's 1933 statement that there is "no middle road" between communism and fascism, describing it as "fundamentally wrong." Bose believed communism would not gain ground in India due to its rejection of nationalism and religion and suggested a "synthesis between communism and fascism" could take hold instead. In 1944, Bose similarly stated, "Our philosophy should be a synthesis between National Socialism and communism."

Bose's correspondence (prior to 1939) reflects his disapproval of the racist practices and annulment of democratic institutions in Nazi Germany: "Today I regret that I have to return to India with the conviction that the new nationalism of Germany is not only narrow and selfish but arrogant." However, he expressed admiration for the authoritarian methods which he saw in Italy and Germany during the 1930s; he thought they could be used to build an independent India.

Bose had clearly expressed his belief that democracy was the best option for India. However, during the war (and possibly as early as the 1930s), Bose seems to have decided that no democratic system could be adequate to overcome India's poverty and social inequalities, and he wrote that a socialist state similar to that of Soviet Russia (which he had also seen and admired) would be needed for the process of national re-building.[ap][128] Accordingly, some suggest that Bose's alliance with the Axis during the war was based on more than just pragmatism and that Bose was a militant nationalist, though not a Nazi nor a Fascist, for he supported the empowerment of women, secularism and other liberal ideas; alternatively, others consider he might have been using populist methods of mobilisation common to many post-colonial leaders.

বামপন্থা

সুভাষচন্দ্র বসু নিজেকে একজন বামপন্থী এবং সমাজতান্ত্রিক হিসেবে উল্লেখ করতেন।দ্য ইন্ডিয়ান স্ট্রাগল গ্রন্থে তিনি কংগ্রেস দলের অভ্যন্তরে একটি কাল্পনিক "বামপন্থী বিদ্রোহ" বর্ণনা করেছেন, যা বাস্তবায়িত হলে দল রূপান্তরিত হয়ে "স্বার্থান্বেষী অর্থাৎ ভূস্বামী, পুঁজিবাদী এবং মহাজন শ্রেণীর বদলে জনগণের অর্থাৎ কৃষক, শ্রমিক ইত্যাদির স্বার্থের পক্ষে দাঁড়াবে।" এছাড়াও তা "দেশের কৃষি ও শিল্প জীবনের পুনর্গঠনের জন্য" সোভিয়েত ধাঁচের কেন্দ্রীয় পরিকল্পনায় বিশ্বাস করবে।

১৯৩০ সালে কলকাতায় এক ভাষণে সুভাষচন্দ্র বসু "আধুনিক ইউরোপ যাকে সমাজতন্ত্র ও ফ্যাসিবাদ বলে তার সংশ্লেষণ" এর প্রতি তার অনুরক্তি সর্বপ্রথম প্রকাশ করেন। পরবর্তীতে, কমিউনিজম এবং ফ্যাসিবাদের মধ্যে কোন "মধ্যবর্তী পথ নেই", নেহরুর এই বিবৃতি সমালোচনা করে তিনি একে "মৌলিকভাবে ভুল" অভিহিত করেন। তিনি বিশ্বাস করতেন যে জাতীয়তাবাদ এবং ধর্ম প্রত্যাখ্যানের কারণে কমিউনিজম ভারতে বিস্তৃতি লাভ করবে না এবং এর পরিবর্তে "কমিউনিজম এবং ফ্যাসিবাদের মধ্যে একটি সমন্বয়" গ্রহণের কথা বলেন। ১৯৪৪ সালে, তিনি একই ধারায় বলেন, "আমাদের দর্শন হওয়া উচিত জাতীয় সমাজতন্ত্র এবং কমিউনিজমের মধ্যে একটি সমন্বয়"।

বোসের চিঠিপত্র (১৯৩৯ সালের পূর্বে) নাৎসি জার্মানির বর্ণবাদী অনুশীলন এবং গণতান্ত্রিক প্রতিষ্ঠান বিলোপ সম্পর্কে তার গূঢ় অসন্তুষ্টি প্রতিফলিত করে: "আমি আজ দুঃখিত যে, জার্মানির নব্য জাতীয়তাবাদ কেবল সংকীর্ণ এবং স্বার্থপরই নয় বরং উদ্ধত, আমাকে এই বিশ্বাস নিয়ে ভারতে ফিরে যেতে হবে।" তবে, তিনি তিনি ১৯৩০ এর দশকে ইতালি এবং জার্মানিতে দেখা স্বৈরতান্ত্রিক পদ্ধতির প্রতি প্রশংসা প্রকাশ করেন। তিনি ভেবেছিলেন যে স্বাধীন ভারত গঠনে সেগুলো ব্যবহার করা যেতে পারে।

Leftism

Bose described himself as a leftist and a socialist. In the book Indian Struggle, Bose describes a hypothetical "left-wing revolt" inside the Congress, after which the party will transform and will "stand for the interests of the masses, that is, of the peasants, workers, etc, and not for the vested interests, that is, the landlords, capitalists and money-lending classes". It would also believe in Soviet-style central planning "for the reorganisation of the agricultural and industrial life of the country".

Bose first expressed his preference for "a synthesis of what modern Europe calls socialism and fascism" in a 1930 speech in Calcutta. Bose later criticized Nehru's 1933 statement that there is "no middle road" between communism and fascism, describing it as "fundamentally wrong." Bose believed communism would not gain ground in India due to its rejection of nationalism and religion and suggested a "synthesis between communism and fascism" could take hold instead. In 1944, Bose similarly stated, "Our philosophy should be a synthesis between National Socialism and communism."

Bose's correspondence (prior to 1939) reflects his deep disapproval of the racist practices of, and annulment of democratic institutions in Nazi Germany: "Today I regret that I have to return to India with the conviction that the new nationalism of Germany is not only narrow and selfish but arrogant." However, he expressed admiration for the authoritarian methods (though not the racial ideologies) which he saw in Italy and Germany during the 1930s, and thought they could be used in building an independent India.

Liberalism

Bose had clearly expressed his belief that democracy was the best option for India. The pro-Bose thinkers believe that his authoritarian control of the Azad Hind was based on political pragmatism and a post-colonial doctrine rather than any anti-democratic belief.^{[citation needed]} However, during the war (and possibly as early as the 1930s), Bose seems to have decided that no democratic system could be adequate to overcome India's poverty and social inequalities, and he wrote that a socialist state similar to that of Soviet Russia (which he had also seen and admired) would be needed for the process of national re-building. Accordingly, some suggest that Bose's alliance with the Axis during the war was based on more than just pragmatism, and that Bose was a militant nationalist, though not a Nazi nor a Fascist, for he supported empowerment of women, secularism and other liberal ideas; alternatively, others consider he might have been using populist methods of mobilisation common to many post-colonial leaders.

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